Optional Quantifier Raising

Abstract

This paper discusses the operation of Quantifier Raising (QR). Following Bruening (2001) and Sauerland (2000), I assume that QR must obey Superiority and is driven by a P-feature on the head v. This 'Superiority account'can give a correct explanation for quantifier scope interactions in English. However, it does not hold in Japanese, which seems to be a scope rigid language. Although the Superiority account assumes that QR always applies to all quantifiers at LF, I suggest that quantifiers can undergo QR in the overt syntax as well as at LF ; covert QR applies optionally to a quantifier which undergoes overt movement. When a quantified NP undergoes overt movement, it does not have to undergo QR. That is, overt movement can function as QR although overt movement such as scrambling is not motivated for scope reasons. This analysis is based on a fundamental principle of the architecture for grammar, which says 'It is not necessary to do covertly what you can do overtly.'